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Vol. 2, No. 2-b

   REFLECTIONS ON WAGAR'S WORLD PARTY
   
   Albert Bergesen
   Department of Sociology
   University of Arizona
   Tucson, Arizona 85721
   520-621-3303
   Email: albert@u.arizona.edu
                        
   Copyright 1996 by Albert Bergesen.
        
        Our task is to reflect upon Wagar's idea of a world party. In my
   case such reflections are affected by the recent historical situation
   of the collapse of communism/existing socialism in 1989 and the
   implications this has for visions of progressive politics going into
   the 21st century. This event colors most political thinking,
   although for many the response has been that existing socialism
   was not real socialism, or that existing socialism was but the
   Stalinist deformation that, if avoided in the future, the 1917 project
   could again be resumed and human history and social relations
   remade anew. I don't see it that way. What existing socialism
   stood for in terms of the role of a vanguard party taking state
   power for the larger good is, now after the fall, I think off the board
   as a realistic program that can be sold to anyone. For who knows

		

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   how long I don't think anyone is going to believe, or follow, or
   support the notion of forcefully taking control of the state and
   willfully transforming the institutions of civil society to create a
   better world. It may have been known before the fall of
   socialism--that it wasn't what it was supposed to be--but it certainly
   seems to be the case now that seizing state power and holding it in
   the name of the "people" is greeted with deep suspicion. 
        This brings us to Wagar's notion of a world party as the next
   form of progressive politics.  The down side of Wagar's vision is
   the reinstatement of the idea of the underground party with all the
   infiltration and deception ("smuggling its agents into positions of
   responsibility in governments and corporations, which they make it
   their business to betray when the time is ripe" p. 14). Worse are
   the implications of ruthlessness that reminds of the past and scares
   as much as encourages. Wagar speaks of world leaders being of
   use to the world party "only if the national leaders concerned swear
   a solemn oath to build a socialist world-government...[and]..if
   national leaders cannot make that commitment, they are of no use
   to us, or ultimately, to themselves" p. 16. Strong stuff. What is the
   consequence of people who are of no use to the party and not even
   of any use to themselves. They sound dispensable to me. Swear
   the world party oath, or be of no historical use. Somehow this all
   reminds of earlier party programs and decisions that classes,
   peoples, elites, sexual persuasions, and religious or ethnic
   affiliations were of no use to the party or even to themselves. 
   Maybe we are all a little gun shy about turning things over to the
   party, but then maybe we were all a little too acquiescent in going
   along with things that were done for the supposed greater good. 
   Maybe being a little suspicious of such talk is not all that bad. 
   While Wagar can be seen as an exercise in fantasy politics --
   reliving the old seize state power program -- except now on a
   world scale (an idea that sent one observer into peals of derision

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   and laughter on the WSN), there are any number of real issues
   here. Someone observed that the time wasn't right, and by that I
   presumed he meant that there wasn't anything like a world state
   structure that could/should be seized. The argument seemed less
   bothered by the late twentieth century angst about the party, and
   more concerned with a correct understanding of the historical
   conditions necessary for such a seizing operation.
        This raises a real question: if seizing power in the name of
   creating a better world seems off the board of practical progressive
   politics for quite a while, what form does such politics take if one
   wants to think of politics on a world scale?  For that question there
   isn't at present a good answer, or at least no consensus.  Much of
   the left is still reeling from the collapse of existing socialism and
   offering solutions from the Sweden model (a floor but no ceiling)
   to what seems a denialist position of claiming socialism's demise
   was a product of Stalinist bureaucratic deformation, and that all
   that is necessary is to do it again, but this time do it right. There is
   also the radical democracy notion, where with the collapse of the
   economic as a meaningful explanatory variable in late 20th century
   social theory, some theorists (Laclau, Mouffe, etc.) have turned to
   democracy as a goal, and I would presume democratizing the
   means of production, which if that means the state, or the state
   under the control of the party, then we are back to square one of
   the radical vision that has been with the West since the French
   Revolution. 
        Wagar's world party idea, then, is part past, part future. The
   future is the addressing of politics at the distinctly global level and
   speaking of a political organization/framework/party that addresses
   itself to global issues. The past is the vision of THE party and of
   seizing political power. That both scares, and given the absence of
   a world state, raises the question of exactly what it is that is to be
   seized. Interestingly the establishment of a world state, with world

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   control now completely centralized in one central political
   structure, may not be the end of world politics/struggles, but the
   very beginning, for now political control would be absolute. While
   it is true capital couldn't escape to cheaper labor, it is also true that
   the change and innovation that comes from this would also be
   eliminated. I could imagine all of us in some medieval world
   complaining that serfs and capital (such that it was) were running
   off to emerging cities/towns. Would the progressive move then be
   to halt capital flight from feudal estate to city? The answer has
   been that in the centralization/control of capital lies better lives for
   all. But this remains a vision, held interestingly by the intellectuals
   of the capitalist west, those areas where the change/capital flight
   has been the greatest. Given a world party, world politics, and
   world state -- while the end of international war and capital flight --
   the shift in progressive theory may go from Marx to Weber. 
   Certainly the world means of production would now be under the
   control of the single state and as such Weberian questions of world
   bureaucracy, power, control, totalitarianism, etc. would be the
   issues of the day. Rome on a world scale, making decentralization,
   loss of control, freedom of capital flight, all new potentially radical
   goals, the opposite of today's multicentric world were one party,
   one state, and one set of controls seems the progressive goal
   against the competition and violence of the multistate capitalist
   world system. But this too is fantasy utopianism. Kaiser and
   Drass in an article in the American Sociological Review noted that
   utopian literatures tend to increase during periods of hegemonic
   decline, and from that empirical observation the Wagar world party
   idea may be an intellectual byproduct of American hegemonic
   decline. Certainly, a hoped for world party and some kind of
   world order, given the breakup of American hegemony, is the kind
   of political utopianism one would expect. But this, while perhaps
   true, is also true of what I write here, so to avoid the postmodernist

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   do loop of infinite regress and decentering, let us assume that the
   issues are real and not an ideological product of hegemonic
   decline.
        If "smuggling agents into positions of responsibility . . . to
   betray when the time is ripe" (p. 14) sounds like fantasy politics,
   what are some real issues for a potential world platform of a world
   party? There are no doubt many and other commentators in this
   issue will I am sure comment upon them. Let me, though, speak
   from a position of my own interests and highlight the importance
   of having an ecological aspect to any new political movement that
   seeks a world wide audience.  Let me begin with an observation. 
   It seems that in today's world one of the, if not the, most obvious
   sources of political and moral energy comes from environmental
   issues of all sorts. Issues of justice today have, along with the long
   held human component, a distinctly ecological or environmental
   aspect. People seem upset about the environment and that should
   be taken as an important issue in the formulation of any global
   political agenda. At the ASA meeting where Wagar presented this
   paper we are all commenting upon, someone in the audience
   observed that something like a world political organization already
   existed in the form of the international environmental organization
   Greenpeace. This may or may not be true, but it does seem that
   environmental issues are a common ground around the globe upon
   which there is some degree of unity, hence an important issue for
   any world political project.  As a corollary the environmental issue
   allows a respecification of the material in social theory and thereby
   helps deliver us from the idealism and moral relativism that is
   postmodernism. The environment is the true base and social
   formations, including the means of production, are the true
   superstructure. A political agenda of global scope can/should start
   here with environmental issues that, by definition, touch all
   humans.

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        Second, any new party/political movement will need to widen
   its base of moral concerns to include non-human living things. 
   This is the Deep Ecology assumption, which when applied to
   politics implies, among other things, a widening of the moral order
   to include the environment as a moral sentient being. This is
   controversial, and resisted by many social activists as placing
   animals before people, or worse plants, rocks, and mountains
   before people. Equal, though, is not before, but the resistance of
   the social mind to growing ideas of eco-equality is understood, for
   in positing equality there is a tremendous drop in human status
   from its previous omnipotent position. But human salvation
   cannot be separated from the salvation of the planet, a position that
   will have to be included in any new world political agenda.
        What this all means is that the old agenda of humans first --
   even with Wagar all humans in an all world political movement --
   will not be enough. Political salvation of humans without
   including other species and forms of life will be morally
   inadequate in the 21st century and limit the success of any new
   movement in attracting adherents. While it can easily be argued
   that placing the rights of animals on equal footing with those of
   humans may scare away as many as it hopes to attract, a
   revitalization of political theory that includes a Deep Ecology
   component will be necessary. 
        That I don't have more to say is perhaps a sign of the times. My
   two clear convictions are that (1) the idea of THE party and
   centralized management seems a very had sell, and (2) that any
   global movement will have to, if not be green, have a very clear
   and central green component. Other than this, I am not all that sure
   of the direction/meaning of the prospects for a global political
   party.

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